Friday, 28 October 2011


Gadafi fights until the end with our Black Brothers in Africa, for Africa

Never before has the world witnessed empire and its mercenaries (in the form of the pro-nato Libyan rebels) perform such a public gruesome crucifixion of a leader of the world anti-imperialist movement.

The lynching of Gadafi, whose videos are being paraded throughout the empire media shows us that at this moment of growing war against the Global South the empire is sending us clear message of white supremacy and wars of aggression. Saddam Hussein was afforded better treatment, he was caught, tried in a kangaroo court, executed, his body was then handed to his family for burial in his home town. Gadafi gets a different treatment, a treatment given the green light by the empire in the form of Hilary Clinton's advocacy of his murder days before.

Why the different treatment for Gadafi? Because he is considered the vanguard leader of Africa by people like Nelson Mandela, and Julius Malema? Is it because Gadafi represents African liberation, a liberation that the west fears more than most and has kept down more than most?

Libya is known as the 'shield of Africa' due to its fundamental role in the freeing, uniting and the development of a united Africa. It is also well known that Libya has the best living standards in all of Africa for its people, and the infant mortality and life expectancy rivals many 'developed' nations. Therefore, the message from the empire in the celebration of the lynching of Gadafi is that any people of the Global South, especially Africans, should expect this if they are to defy, let alone successfully defy them.

The anti-nato Jamihiriya forces in Libya are in the leadership of the world struggle against this new round of attempted recolonisation of Africa, and the pro-nato rebels are Arab white supremacists who have joined up with nato white supremacists in this attack on Africa and especially darker skinned Libyans and darker-skinned African migrants in Libya.

The war in Libya reflects the Black Liberation struggle of Africa in the forces of the resistance, and for these reasons darker skinned people have fought disproportionally in the resistance, and have been targeted disproportionally by nato and their allies.

In the videos of Gadafi's lynching, there are several Black people who are tied to the back of pro-nato rebel pick-up trucks. One of them, the first below, is immediately in the vicinity of Gadafi being lynched.

The second photo is taken from THIS clip from Al-Jazeera English, which is a piece about the lynching of Gadafi. This is a screen print, although the camera stays on this scene for 9seconds and then cuts straight to another two people in the back of pro-nato rebel trucks, including what looks like a very young black man of around 20yrs old with a lighter skinned middle aged Libyan man with an Islamic skull cap on.

The AJE piece makes no comment on this footage, which is unsurprising, as AJE and its Arabic channel have led the racist story of 'African mercenaries' fighting for Gadafi (to date no evidence has been provided, admitted by western media and ngos), which has helped facilitate the mass lynching of darker skinned people in Libya, including the complete destruction of the town of 25,000 mostly darker skinned Libyans in Tawergha.

As far as I am aware, I have been the only one who has commented on these images in THIS interview on Russia Today. I would encourage others to raise their voices. A small point, I was mistaken that I thought one of the black brothers was tied to vertical poles, he is actually tied to a mounted heavy artillery gun barrel on the pick-up truck which is at a 45 degree angle. He is clearly terrified and bloodied.

Why arent these images being commented on more in the media and by commentators etc? Has the lynching of black people become so acceptable?

The war against Africa for its recolonisation is on. Empire has its sights clearly on Algeria, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Somalia, and all of these countries are countries to overthrow, control and dominate, and empire's plans for them are well under way. (please see previous posts on Sons of Malcolm for reports, analysis and articles about this).

For Africa's part, Africa needs a leadership like Gadafi who will fight until the end, shoulder to shoulder, in the land of his foremothers and forefathers in the face of empire aggression.

Unity of the Global South, especially with Brazil, India, Russia and China, as well as developing a military self-defence capability in line with assymetrical warfare and the arming and politicisation of the masses in anti-imperialist liberation ideology, are the other fundamental factors necessary for not only resisting, but achieving gains and victory against empire.

I will be writing a longer article on Gadafi's lynching and martyrdom in the coming week.

By Sukant Chandan, Sons of Malcolm

Wednesday, 26 October 2011


A Position Statement By The Arab Nationalist List On The Assassination Of Mu`Ammar Al-Qaddhafi And His Comrades, Libya, And Arab Consciousness
October 25th 2011


A Condemnation Of The Killing of Martyred Libyan Arab Leader Muammar Qaddhafi, Who Was Assassinated After Being Captured Injured, While Resisting To The Last, After NATO Tracked And Bombed His Convoy

Two things have now become certain: First, that Qaddhafi and his companions were killed while facing off with NATO, mercenary, and collaborator forces, who have control of land, sea, and air. We thank God for granting brother leader martyr Muammar Qaddhafi, his son, his comrades, soldiers and fellow citizen fighters, the honor of martyrdom in a heroic fight, for death is coming to us all sooner or later, but lucky is the one who achieves an honorable death.

And second, that the NATO Rats have killed brother Qaddhafi, his son Mu`tassim, and their comrades, in a characteristically barbaric manner, while they were both injured and imprisoned. Had those treasonous rats had an atom’s worth of honor or morals, they would not have killed an injured captive. But their morals, as well as instructions from the US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, given publicly two days previous, have allowed them to carry out the brutal and criminal assassinations.

Such barbaric killings of the injured and the captive would not have been possible were it not for tracking and targeting by NATO intelligence and airpower. This crime rests squarely on all who have participated, from the military command of NATO to the political leadership of the states contributing to the aggression on Libya (from the EU, US, Turkey, the “Arab” GCC and other compradore regimes). Had such brutality and mistreatment been visited on Jews or Westerners, we would have never heard the end of lamentations of “Human Rights”, “Rule of Law”, and “Just Retribution”; and these would have been used as pretexts to bomb and massacre entire nations.

What has happened in Libya this year is an unprovoked imperialist aggression on the Arab nation, Africa, and the Islamic and Third Worlds. It is an aggression targeting Libya the country, the people, the symbol and the potential, before being an aggression on its political leadership. What happened with martyr Qaddhafi is the same thing that happened to Arab martyr Saddam Hussein and his comrades, and for similar reasons. We are reminded that Qaddhafi was one of the few leaders who publicly condemned the assassination of President Saddam Hussein. In both cases, the sovereignty and dignity of independent states, as well as of the whole Arab nation, were most blatantly violated, in broad daylight, through assassinating their political leaders. The inter-tribal or inter-regional strife, fomented by the imperialist powers, that threatens Libya today, will be no less deadly or disastrous than the sectarian strife fomented in Iraq.

The targeting of Libya for its riches, its location, its successful model of social justice and development, and its independence, as well as for its generous support for other countries and liberation movements, is but a “colored” version of what was doled out to Iraq. What has happened in Libya is no popular revolution, but a NATO-sponsored armed coup, devastating military intervention, and a counter-revolution which has nothing to do with the great Libyan people. The new Libyan “democracy”, should it be permitted to take hold, will be a copy of the Iraqi “democracy” after Saddam Hussein, with “elections” and total imperialist control through military and other kinds of imperialist presence in our homeland.

The same goes for direct and indirect intervention in Syria and in other places, be it through sanctions, siege, armed subversion, or hostile media campaigns full of lies, for such intervention is but the first step to erasing the remnants of the national liberation project that has established strongholds in our Arab Homeland in the fifties and sixties of the last century. The unholy alliance between the Muslim Brotherhood and other so-called Islamists, Arab Liberals, the reactionary Arab Gulf monarchies, NATO, and the Zionists, is bent on re-fragmenting and reshaping our region, and aims to return our countries to the pre-independence era, this time cloaked in a constitutional and democratic garb, while breaking down national and even sub-national identities under the pretexts of “citizen’s” or “minority” rights or what have you.

It is in this context that we understand the crime of the assassination of Al-Qaddhafi and his comrades. It is clear that the leader of the September 1969 al-Faateh revolution, the leader who has brought to Africa the highest standard of living on the continent, after being the poorest and after being a base for US and European colonialism, has been murdered at the hands of NATO and their rats while fighting for his country and for humanity to the very end.

And as if such a crime was not disgusting enough, what is even more disgusting is the manner in which we have been seeing and hearing justifications, and even celebration, of this crime across the Arab World.

How could this happen, really? Even if we take an Arab leader who never contributed to the anti-imperialist struggle, who never expelled the Americans from the massive Wheelus Air Base, and who never conducted popular reforms, would it be appropriate to accept, much less rejoice, over his overthrow and murder by invading imperialists? And while we didn’t always agree with or approve of Colonel Qaddhafi’s positions or ideas, and in fact we have often criticized them, we would never take these as a reason to be swept behind an aggression against Libya, or accept to be in the same trenches as the enemy.

Quite the opposite, merely justifying or “understanding” the assassination of Muammar al-Qaddhafi in this context of imperialist aggression against Libya and the Arab Nation serves to justify before the entire world any future foreign aggression against any Arab state – so long as the imperialists invoke a few slogans about ‘human rights’ or ‘protection of the population.’

And if we are today mourning the death of an Arab leader martyred in battle, a leader who promised to stay in and fight for his home, to fight till victory or martyrdom, a leader who has kept his promise and assured for himself a glorious place in the history of the Arabs, we do not feel sadness but pride in his heroism. However, we are saddened by the loss of consciousness that has permitted many to salute and “rejoice” in an imperial-led aggression against our lands, and in bloody assassinations targeting our intellectuals, public figures, and their families.

Let it be clear that history will have no mercy for the weak-minded, and that this is a time for exposing what people are really made of and where they stand, and that no one will escape judgement. The nucleus of true Arab consciousness will survive the onslaught of media obfuscation and petrodollars, and a new generation of Arab women and men full of anger and revenge will not forgive or forget those who used the slogans of religion and “human rights” against the nation. Today it is again clear, in the shadow of the alliance of Islamists and liberals with NATO and the Arab compradore, that it is only the radical nationalist current, the current of nationalist leaders, martyrs, and the nationalist street, that is the true hope of the Arab nation, and the real threat to its enemies, because it is the only current with a project for the future, with roots that go deep into our heritage, and the only one with the true compass that does not deviate nor falter nor compromise with the enemies of the nation. This nationalist current is therefore the only one that is targeted for complete eradication.

Today we do not have the luxury of giving up or of excessive pondering. This is the time to wake up, rise up, resist, and ready ourselves for the inevitable and continuing imperialist assault. It is clear that this assault will continue to escalate after it has succeeded in invading and destroying Iraq and Libya, and has even succeeded in collecting and building support for these aggressions.

And to those who have cheered this crime we say: Go ahead and cheer the death of a fighter who did not fear your masters, like you do, and did not surrender! Had he surrendered he would have been hailed a hero by you! You will wake up after it is too late and with much regret. Our African, Latin American, and South-East Asian brothers have shown much more awareness and loyalty than you when they correctly understood what was going on and stood with Libya. To them, to the Amazigh, and to true ant-imperialists around the world, we Arab Nationalists extend our hands.

May God’s mercy be upon our martyr al-Qaddhafi, and to NATO and their collaborators and agents eternal damnation!

Long live Libya!

Long live the Arab nation!

Death to traitors!

The Arab Nationalist List


Tuesday, 25 October 2011



Next Arab Domino May Be Oil Darling Algeria

The death of Muammar Qaddafi is a cause for joy in Libya, and for concern. Some worry that the ruling National Transitional Council will force its way to permanent power; others that Islamist elements will seek to put the country under Shariah law; and there is also the danger of the nation splitting into three parts.

But there is another tremendous threat to Libya's progress waiting quietly next door. Algeria's military junta is terrified that a rebellious spirit may finally cross its borders. Ever since the Tunisian revolt dethroned President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Washington's foreign- policy establishment has paid little attention to Algeria, the lodestar of "the Arab West."

That's a mistake. With Qaddafi's fall and next week's elections in Tunisia, the odds are decent that the Great Arab Revolt will start to shake Algeria. The country is now surrounded by states in transition: Libya, Tunisia and Morocco, where the king just might be laying the groundwork for the Middle East's first real constitutional monarchy.

Algeria isn't a closed society. There are probably more Algerians living in the West than any other Arab nationality, and they usually remain in close contact with family and friends back home.

Prized Oil

Although oil and natural gas wealth hasn't enriched the common man, it has exposed the society -- especially the elite -- to globalization. Algerian oil, with its very low sulfur content, is highly prized in pollution-conscious Europe. The U.S. buys about 30 percent of Algeria's crude- oil exports, accounting for 3.6 percent of American petroleum imports last year. Algeria is the world's sixth- largest producer of natural gas, with most of its exports going to Europe.

A former colony of France and profoundly westernized, Algeria was the first major Arab state to flirt with democracy. The military dictatorship -- spiritually bankrupt, economically inept and violently challenged on the streets -- that had ruled the nation unchallenged since the mid-1960s, decided in 1989 to try elections. Yet after the triumph of the fundamentalist Islamic Salvation Front in local elections in 1990, the junta canceled the experiment. Civil war followed. In a savage duel between the regime and Islamist guerrillas, entire villages were wiped out.

So far, the lingering trauma of that bloodbath has helped save the regime from a new wave of Arab rebellion. But young men have bad memories -- and the Great Arab Revolt of 2011 has been the product of aspiring, deeply frustrated young men. Although the Algerian economy has improved since 1990, economic aspirations have far outstripped the government's ability to promote job growth.

On top of a corrupt socialist economy, the regime has built a masterpiece of crony capitalism. The dissident historian Mohammed Harbi, who once championed the rebellion against France and now lives in exile in Paris, put it succinctly: "The regime has nothing to offer for the long term. It is not interested in asking where Algeria and Algerians will be in twenty years."

Nothing really works in the country, except the oil and natural-gas industries, which fuel the police state. Hundreds of thousands have emigrated from the poverty, boredom and brutality of the security services.

In France and Belgium, expatriates have developed a pro-democracy virtual world on the Internet. Although deeply fearful of its powerful neighbor, Tunisia has developed a press that not only critiques its own embrace of democracy but also the resistance to popular government next door.

False Mandate

In the past 10 years, the Algerian regime has worked hard to create the illusion that it enjoys a popular mandate. Thousands of youthful demonstrators who briefly hit the streets after Tunisia and Egypt erupted revealed different sentiments.

If Algeria starts to rumble again, it will be because pro-democracy Algerian secularists detest the military dictatorship more than they fear Islamists. Indeed, in Tunisia and Egypt, Islamic parties have gained strength since the presidents-for- life fell. The wearing of veils has become much more common in Tunis, even in the wealthier neighborhoods.

The Algerian junta held firm in the 1990s partly because the non-Islamist middle and upper classes that detested the regime were repelled by the barbarism of the guerrillas. When jihadists started butchering women and children, the Islamic alternative became too frightful. (Also, the brutality of the government's forces -- the worst of them happily called themselves "les exterminateurs" -- inspired abject fear.) If the Tunisian and Egyptian elections bring Islamists to power and the sky doesn't fall, however, the odds of popular unrest in Algeria will shorten further.

The nature of Islamism has changed since 1990. Then, leading voices within the Islamic Salvation Front openly questioned the need for democracy since Shariah had all the answers. Today, while it may partly be duplicity at work, those Algerian voices have almost vanished. In Tunisia and Egypt, the big Islamist movements have embraced representative government -- younger members of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood are loudly pro-democracy.

Religious hierarchy in the Middle East is in an advanced state of decay. Established religious institutions got compromised because of their close association with dictatorships.

Driving Force

In Egypt, this has produced ardently pro-democratic young Islamists who challenge their elders from the "left" and hard-core fundamentalist splinter groups who challenge from the "right." This individualization of the Muslim identity -- "my opinion is just as good as yours" -- is something entirely new to Islam, and its deep penetration into the Middle East is a driving force behind the revolts.

In Algeria, we don't know where the successors of the Islamic Salvation Front stand, since discussions of man, God and the ballot box have been silenced by the regime. But the secular Arab middle class and the university- educated young throughout the region are no longer offering their unconditional support to secular dictators for fear of what Islamists might bring. The era of "Khomeini anxiety" -- dominated by a fear that revolution and democracy will lead to theocracy -- may be fading.

All this has Algeria's generals understandably nervous. If elections in Tunisia and Egypt empower Islamists, we can expect Algeria's leaders to clandestinely aid unrest in Libya, creating a chaotic buffer zone against the spread of popular government.

One thing is certain, if revolt comes to Algeria, anger at the U.S. will probably swell. Twenty years ago, France was still the omnipresent devil. In the popular imagination today, Washington has replaced Paris as the backer of tyranny.

In 2002, William Burns, an assistant secretary of state, remarked in Algiers that the U.S. "has much to learn from Algeria on ways to fight terrorism." This solicitation has continued under President Barack Obama. Last month, the State Department coordinator for counterterrorism, Daniel Benjamin, was in Algiers. At a counterterrorist conference hosted by the government, he saw an opportunity "for our officials to learn from the experiences of other allied countries, in particular our North African partners.

"Our bilateral cooperation with the Algerian government in the battle against terrorism is now stronger than it has ever been," he said, covering "issues of public diplomacy, economics, and military aid."

Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has relentlessly used counterterrorism -- the battle against al-Qaeda -- to justify political repression and the severe abuse of human rights. With such careless public comments, American officials reinforce the regime, but deeply anger the citizenry.

Since 1990, Algeria has been a volcano waiting to explode again. The revolts in Libya and Tunisia have probably brought that day closer. The coming shock to energy markets and America's role in the region may not be small.


Sunday, 23 October 2011


1, they were all killed by cowards & sell outs slaving for empire, without sell outs, empire cannot function,

2, it was a psychological attack to demoralise those who believe & r involved in anti-imperialist resistance,

3, it is a racist act intended to make us think our leadership are less than human & can be treated that way (while you will never see similar pictures of white people), but

4, it shows our leadership are fearless until the end in their commitment to our freedom from empire, and inspire even more people by the manner of their martyrdom.

- Sukant, Sons of Malcolm



"In the name of Allah, the beneficent, the merciful...

For 40 years, or was it longer, I can't remember, I did all I could to give people houses, hospitals, schools, and when they were hungry, I gave them food. I even made Benghazi into farmland from the desert, I stood up to attacks from that cowboy Ronald Reagan, when he killed my adopted orphaned daughter, he was trying to kill me, instead he killed that poor innocent child. Then I helped my brothers and sisters from Africa with money for the African Union.

I did all I could to help people Understand the concept of real democracy, where people's committees ran our country. But that was never enough, as some told me, even people who had 10 room homes, new suits and furniture, were never satisfied, as selfish as they were they wanted more. They told Americans and other visitors, that they needed "democracy" and "freedom" never realizing it was a cut throat system, where the biggest dog eats the rest, but they were enchanted with those words, never realizing that in America, there was no free medicine, no free hospitals, no free housing, no free education and no free food, except when people had to beg or go to long lines to get soup.

No, no matter what I did, it was never enough for some, but for others, they knew I was the son of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the only true Arab and Muslim leader we've had since Salah-al-Deen, when he claimed the Suez Canal for his people, as I claimed Libya, for my people, it was his footsteps I tried to follow, to keep my people free from colonial domination - from thieves who would steal from us.

Now, I am under attack by the biggest force in military history, my little African son, Obama wants to kill me, to take away the freedom of our country, to take away our free housing, our free medicine, our free education, our free food, and replace it with American style thievery, called "capitalism", but all of us in the Third World know what that means, it means corporations run the countries, run the world, and the people suffer.

So, there is no alternative for me, I must make my stand, and if Allah wishes, I shall die by following His path, the path that has made our country rich with farmland, with food and health, and even allowed us to help our African and Arab brothers and sisters.

I do not wish to die, but if it comes to that, to save this land, my people, all the thousands who are all my children, then so be it.

Let this testament be my voice to the world, that I stood up to crusader attacks of NATO, stood up to cruelty, stoop up to betrayal, stood up to the West and its colonialist ambitions, and that I stood with my African brothers, my true Arab and Muslim brothers, as a beacon of light.

When others were building castles, I lived in a modest house, and in a tent. I never forgot my youth in Sirte, I did not spend our national treasury foolishly, and like Salah-al-Deen, our great Muslim leader, who rescued Jerusalem for Islam, I took little for myself...

In the West, some have called me "mad", "crazy", but they know the truth yet continue to lie, they know that our land is independent and free, not in the colonial grip, that my vision, my path, is, and has been clear and for my people and that I will fight to my last breath to keep us free, may Allah almighty help us to remain faithful and free."

Mu'ummar Qaddafi.


Utterly ravaged by months of bombardments, Sirte was a skeleton of a city – a place without food, water or light; a city without citizens. Its streets were turned into rivers by burst pipes, as fighters battled through waist-high swathes of mud brown water, street by bloody street.

But as the sun rose over the shell of Sirte on Thursday, it was immediately apparent that something had changed.

I had arrived at the rebel position in the western suburb of Zafran in anticipation of another massed assault into District Two – the final pocket where Gaddafi loyalists had been holding out.

Rebels from Misurata had told me the day before to be ready early to witness a home-made armoured battering ram, and their few tanks spearhead what they boasted would be a decisive thrust into the remaining bastion of defenders.

Little did we know, at that point, that Gaddafi had also decided that it was time for the endgame.
The embattled leader had been forced to retreat to an area 1000 yards by 500 yards, and was desperately moving from house to house, trying to evade capture.

Seeing the noose tighten to strangulation point, he had ordered his men on Wednesday night to pack a convoy of 75 vehicles in preparation for a move towards Wadi Jarif, 25 miles away.
"We decided to leave Sirte and go to Jarif because it had become unsafe," said Mansour Daou, Gaddafi's cousin and bodyguard. The Colonel, he said, was "tense, but not afraid".

But Gaddafi, like us, was unaware of the chain reaction which he had sparked by making that dash for freedom.

More than 6,000 miles away, deep in the lunar landscape of the Nevada desert, American specialists trained to their computer screens spotted unusual activity at around 7.30am in District Two. From their windowless bunker, lit by constantly flickering computer screens, the analysts directed their unmanned Predator drones to zoom in on the convoy as it picked up speed and headed west. Nato's eyes were suddenly trained on Gaddafi's convoy.

Yet at that moment, I was ignorant of that, and caught up in the midst of a chaotic scene at the crossroads by a scarred television station building, which was the planned launch point for the offensive into District Two.

The battle was taking an unexpected turn. At 8am the air was thick with the crackle of bullets and shots were hitting the street corner – from directions which had been cleared of loyalists for days. In the street beside the TV station – which should have been protected from loyalist marksmen toward the east – fighters were running bent double and crouching in the doorways of burnt-out houses as they tried to assess who was shooting at them.

"The plan has changed. Some loyalists have broken out overnight," one young fighter told me hurriedly.

"They have got around the back of us."

Unknown to us then – and what would not become clear for hours afterwards – was that among those who had broken out a few hundred yards from us was none other than Col Muammar Gaddafi. The confusion I was witnessing was not another small skirmish, but the final chaotic moments of the Libyan despot's rule.

He and his inner circle had tried to punch westward out of the shattered city into open countryside in a column of vehicles.

But it was a gamble that ultimately would not allow him to escape the fate suffered by so many of his opponents during his 42 years of rule.

High above Sirte the heavily-armed American USMQ1 Predator drones, which are piloted by satellite link and can provide surveillance or fire missiles in all weather, day and night, had been circling.

The aircraft, which can remain "on station" for up to 18 hours, were being remotely flown from Creech air force base in Nevada. One of the predator pilots had now received permission to attack the fleeing convoy.

Around 40 miles off the Libyan coast a Nato AWAC early-warning surveillance aircraft, flying over the Mediterranean, took control of the battle and warned two French jets that a loyalist convoy was attempting to leave Sirte.

As the convoy sped west, a Hellfire missile was fired from the Predator and destroyed the first vehicle in the convoy.

By now, the NTC troops had realised that the loyalists were escaping and a small number of lightly armed rebels began to give chase.

To me it seemed like a wild, chaotic situation. But we now know that it had, in fact, been foreseen by the British SAS and their special forces allies, who were advising the NTC forces.

British military sources have told The Sunday Telegraph that small teams of SAS soldiers on the ground in Sirte, armed but under strict orders not to get involved, had warned them throughout the siege to be alert to the fleeing of loyalists.

Assisted by other special forces – in particular the Qataris, with whom the SAS have a long relationship dating back 20 years – the SAS tried to impress on the Libyans the need to cover all escape routes.

But despite the advice, the breakout seems to have taken the rebels on the Zafran front completely by surprise.

In the previous two weeks I had repeatedly seen the militiamen fail to hold forward positions at night as they fell back to their encampments. Again and again loyalists had used cover of darkness to surprise the militiamen and manoeuvre into new firing positions.

Once more their surveillance was lax, and one rebel fighter confessed to me that in the early hours of Thursday they had failed to keep proper watch on the western front and they were surprised by the convoy.

A Gaddafi loyalist, Jibril Abu Shnaf, who had travelled in the convoy and was later captured, told how they took advantage of this lack of co-ordination.

"I was cooking for the other guys, when all of a sudden they came in and said: 'Come on, we're leaving,'" he explained.

"I got in a civilian car and joined the end of the convoy. We tried to escape along the coast road. But we came under heavy fire, so we tried another way."

The second attempt proved successful and the convoy left the demolished houses of Sirte, firing at rebel positions as it sped into the surrounding farmland.

A senior defence source has told The Sunday Telegraph that at this point the SAS urged the NTC leaders to move their troops to exits points across the city and close their stranglehold.

After the Hellfire missile struck its target, the convoy changed direction, possibly hoping to avoid a further strike, before heading west again. It had begun to fracture into several different groups of vehicles.

The French jets were also given permission to join the attack.

By now a group of 20 vehicles in the convoy had reached a point around three miles west of the city. The shattered streets had been left behind, and the convoy had halted next to a walled electricity sub station, in arid farmland dotted with breeze block compounds and trees.
Just then, the French pilot began his bombing run, seconds later releasing two 500lb GBU-12 laser-guided bombs, into the centre of the convoy.

The bombs unleashed massive force. Arriving at the site, a few hours later, their devastating power was clear to see: at least a dozen vehicles were shredded and burned out, while I counted more than 25 bodies, some lying twisted and charred inside the vehicles and others lying in clumps nearby.

The air strike marked the end of any attempt at an ordered retreat and the convoy's remnants scattered.

Mansour Daou, leader of Gaddafi's personal bodyguards, recounted the attack. He said that the survivors had "split into groups and each group went its own way".

The stragglers disappeared into the farmland, some taking refuge in buildings and others continuing to fire on approaching rebels and adding to the confusion.

Col Gaddafi had survived the air strike, but was apparently wounded in the legs. With his companions dead or dispersed, he now had few options.

He and a handful of men, perhaps including the defence minister Abu Bakr Younis, appeared to have made their way 300 yards north from the devastation and taken shelter in a drainage culvert running under a dual carriageway.

Here in concrete pipes just three feet across the final scene would be played out.

Members of the Al Watan revolutionary brigade who had been following the convoy at a distance witnessed the explosion, but at that point still had no idea who was in the vehicles.

Saleem Bakeer, a rebel fighter who said he was among those who came across Gaddafi hiding in the pipes said they had approached on foot.

"One of Gaddafi's men came out waving his rifle in the air and shouting surrender, but as soon as he saw my face he started shooting at me," he said.

"Then I think Gaddafi must have told them to stop. 'My master is here, my master is here', he said, 'Muammar Gaddafi is here and he is wounded'."

"We went in and brought Gaddafi out. He was saying: 'What's wrong? What's wrong? What's going on?'"

The initial astonishment appears to have quickly switched to jubilation, and then rage.

"I don't think that anyone thought he would be there, we all thought that he would be in the south, or maybe across in Niger or Algeria. We were as shocked as he was at first," said Abdullah Hakim Husseini, one of the band of men who found him. "We were so happy when we knew it was him. I thought, 'at last, it's all over'."

Mobile phone footage shows Col Gaddafi alive but weak and bloodied, with blows raining down on him from frenzied fighters. At one point he was hauled onto the bonnet of a pickup truck, then pulled down by his hair. His weighty golden gun, intricately engraved and decorated with the words "The sun will never set on the Al Fattah revolution", was snatched by one of the revolutionaries. His satellite phone was seized, and it was later discovered that he had made one last call to Syria.

Omran el Oweyb, the commander who captured Gaddafi, said that he only managed to stagger ten steps before he fell to the ground.

One rebel was heard screaming in his face: "This is for Misurata, you dog."

Gaddafi – confused, bloodied, stumbling – can be heard to reply, in what could be his last, laughably philosophical words: "Do you know right from wrong?"

What happened in the next minutes is the subject of intense controversy. Sometime in the next hours or minutes he died of a bullet wound to the left temple. The official NTC account says he was caught in crossfire as he was being driven to hospital. "He was already under arrest and he was hit in the crossfire," explained Mahmoud Jalil, the prime minister.

However the ambulance driver who ferried him said Col Gaddafi was already dead when he was loaded into the ambulance, around 500 yards from his point of capture.

One NTC member, who did not want to be named, admitted that this version of events was likely. "They beat him very harshly and then they killed him," he said. "This is a war."
By time I reached the site of his capture, around two hours after he was seized, the bodies of three of his companions still lay at the entrance to the drain.

It was an inglorious end. As I picked through the seafront ruined streets of District Two the following day, there was no sign of a command bunker or fortified compound where he had stayed and directed the defence.

Instead rebels wandering the streets where Col Gaddafi's loyalists had endured a storm of barrage said he had moved from house-to-house and basement to basement. He moved nightly, terrified of surveillance and air strikes from the Nato coalition planes and drones which had supported the rebels since March.

He had good reason for such precautions.

And the drain had already begun to take its place in Libyan history.

"This is the place where the rat Gaddafi was hiding," said one piece of graffiti sprayed onto the concrete.

Fighters flashing raising v-salutes, posed for photos alongside friends they had fought alongside for months.

"I have stopped counting how many friends I have lost. Too, too many," said Mohammad Bashir, a 32-year-old telecoms engineer from Tripoli.

"We never doubted it for a second, you know, though. These freedom fighters cannot be stopped. We were right and he was wrong."

Saturday, 22 October 2011


Mandela, now 92 and retired, was once quoted as saying: "Those who feel irritated by our friendship with President Gaddafi can go jump in the pool."

21 October 2011

The African National Congress Youth League salutes Colonel Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi, the ANTI-IMPERIALIST MARTYR, a brave soldier and fighter against the recolonisation of the African continent. Brother Leader was ruthlessly killed by rebels armed by NATO forces, who invaded Libya because of its Natural resources. Brother Leader resisted imperialist domination of the African continent and never agreed to the continued draining of natural resources from beneath Africa’s soil. He understood and appreciated that Africa’s natural resources should be economically used to benefit the people of Africa.

That he was killed in combat is an inspiration to many Freedom Fighters across the continent and the world, particularly to the generation of Economic Freedom Fighters. Like Colonel Gadaffi, as Economic Freedom Fighters we will fight to the bitter end and ready to pay the highest price for the retaining of South Africa and Africa’s natural resources to the rightful owners. As Economic Freedom Fighters, we are ready to fight tirelessly to protect and defend the sovereignty of our countries. As Economic Freedom Fighters, we are ready to defend the political freedom and liberation, and de-colonisation handed to us by the generations of anti-colonial Freedom Fighters.

The political liberation handed to us by the generation of anti-colonial Freedom Fighters should be defended because it is the platform upon which we will transfer wealth from those who owned and controlled it under colonial and apartheid domination and continue to do so now. The struggle for economic freedom and liberation will never be easy, because imperialist agents will infiltrate the oppressed and exploited people and portray anti-imperialist fighters as enemies of the people. The struggle for economic freedom will never be easy because like Gadaffi was betrayed, there will be so many betrayals and sell-outs along the way, who will co-operate with imperialist forces to banish and demolish Freedom Fighters.

The only appropriate send off we can give to Colonel Gadaffi, the ANTI-IMPERIALIST MARTYR, a brave soldier and fighter against the recolonisation of the African continent is by re-committing ourselves to the struggle for total economic freedom in our lifetime. The question we should ask is WHO IS NEXT?

Rest in Peace Brother Leader!




The Gadhafi I Know - A Commentary on the Libyan Leader

( - Listening and looking at the news reports on Libya since the turmoil began earlier this year, the corporate media portrayal of the North African country and its unjustly deposed leader is a depiction that's nowhere near the Muammar Gadhafi I know. I traveled to Libya for the first time in February, 1977 with Minister Louis Farrakhan, the leader of the Nation of Islam and reflecting on our relationship with Muammar Gadhafi and the Libyan people that spans decades, it is disheartening to hear these reports which imply that in 42 years, Muammar Gadhafi has done nothing for Libya and his people. I thought long and hard about how the Western press shaped how Muammar Gadhafi is seen by the world since the uprisings against the Libyan government started in March.

I was a member of the Nation of Islam for nine years when Muammar Gadhafi came to power on September 1, 1969 in what later became known to the world as the Great Al-Fateh Revolution. Young people engaged in struggle worldwide were proud of the group of army officers led by the 27-year-old Muammar Gadhafi. He was inspired by Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt and the Free Officer Movement that swept King Farouk out of power who was more concerned with pleasing England and Western interests than caring for the needs of his people. So it was in Libya where the young officers took power from its monarch, King Idriss Al-Sanousi, another minion of foreign powers. At the time of the Al-Fateh revolution, the Libyan people were poor and only 15 percent of the people had an education. We all took notice when the young officers led by Brother Gadhafi nationalized the oil industry in Libya; boldly closed the American and British military bases there and banned alcohol because the Libyans were an Islamic people.

The Gadhafi I know is the Gadhafi who came to power to change the power equation where outside forces were taking advantage of Libya's rich oil deposits for their own benefit while the Libyan people suffered in abject poverty and squalor.

The Gadhafi I know sent young Libyans to school all over the world as he strengthened and established schools all over Libya. The Gadhafi I know made free housing available to the masses of his people in Libya. The Gadhafi I know embarked on a great agricultural project called the “Green of the Desert” to grow produce to feed his people and cut down on importing food, taking Libyan mouths out of foreigners' kitchens. The Gadhafi I know embarked on one of the greatest engineering feats of the world called the “Great Man-Made River.”

The Gadhafi I know reached out to those who were struggling against oppressed rulers in the Arab and African world as well as other parts of the world. In generosity and solidarity, he used proceeds from the wealth of Libyan resources to support the movements, giving many of their causes international exposure. The Gadhafi I know gave international recognition to the plight of Indians in the Western Hemisphere and gave support for the Native American cause.

After being in power for only three years—because of the notoriety of Muhammad Ali, especially in the Muslim world—the work of the Honorable Elijah Muhammad came to Brother Gadhafi's attention. In 1972, he made available a loan to the Nation of Islam to purchase what is now known as Mosque Maryam, the Nation of Islam headquarters and flagship mosque—this is the Gadhafi who I know.

The Gadhafi I know continued to open his hands and country to the Honorable Elijah Muhammad through his students, Imam Warithudeen Mohammed and the Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan. He loaned the Nation of Islam $5 million dollars for economic development projects in the 1980s. He helped finance “World Friendship Tours” that aided Minister Farrakhan to globally spread the message of atonement, reconciliation and responsibility that undergirded the 1995 Million Man March.

The Gadhafi I know wrote in his Green Book about the rise of the Black man, a vision that many of his own people disagreed with which is reflected in the current war against his government. Black workers in Libya are now suffering persecution from racism under the guise of being accused of being mercenaries hired by Muammar Gadhafi.

There are hundreds of thousands of Libyans in a population of six million who are Black. The Gadhafi I know reignited an idea of the great Africans like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, Sekou Toure of Guinea and others, who yearned for the United States of Africa. Brother Gadhafi pushed the transformation of the former Organization of African Unity into the African Union as a necessary first step towards a United States of Africa. Who will pick up this banner now that the Transitional National Counsel backed by foreign powers has waged a war that removed Bro. Gadhafi from his seat of power? The Gadhafi I know is a leader who is responsible for many African leaders being in power in today. Those leaders know who they are and without the help and encouragement from Muammar Gadhafi they never would have achieved becoming leaders of their nations.

The Gadhafi I know gave recognition to African Traditional leaders and for the first time in history brought them all together at conferences held in Tripoli and other African nations. The Gadhafi I know brought hundreds of thousands of people together to celebrate Mawlid al-Nabi, the birthday of Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him). In the midst of volatile social and political climates, he called hundreds of thousands of Muslims together in places like Niger and Nigeria, leading them in prayer and preaching the importance of their unity.

The Gadhafi I know survived the most expensive assassination attempt in history by the United States government in April 1986 when America bombed Tripoli in an attempt to kill him. The Gadhafi I know suffered 14 years of devastating sanctions that his people survived, yet opened his borders to all that would come.

The Gadhafi I know financed the great film called “The Lion of the Desert” about the Libyan liberation fighter Omar Mukhtar who led and won the war for independence against Italy. He also financed the classic movie called “The Messenger” on the life of Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be upon Him).

The Gadhafi I know opened an Islamic college and brought students from every corner of the Muslim world, mostly from African nations and gave them a free education so they could return to their countries and contribute to development and advancement.

The Gadhafi I know may not have been perfect as no man is perfect. Perfection is only found with God, but he struggled to do what he believed was right to assist the suffering masses and encourage them in their opposition to unjust rulers and colonial masters who exploited and oppressed them. The corporate controlled media has branded Gadhafi, so people who don't know him will think the worst of him. I recently returned from a conference in Iran, where one of the speakers from the TNC of Libya accused Gadhafi of killing 400 children by infecting them with AIDS. These are the kind of vicious lies that people let stand and allow others to attack a man who tried doing the best he could for his own people. I challenged this speaker by asking him, “Are you saying to this audience that Gadhafi infected 400 children with AIDS? And his answer was “Yes.” The world knows what happened to those children and how they contracted AIDS. His phony charge was vicious and gratuitous, that he can falsely accuse the man responsible for his education. This is not the Gadhafi I know.



Friday, 21 October 2011


Qaddafi at the 8th Non-Aligned Movement Conference in Harare, Zimbabwe, in which he threatened to withdraw because some of the members recognized Israel, Sept. 4, 1986

Gadafi did more than anyone else to get nations of Africa and the Global South - including Cuba with whom they refused to have relations until they broke relations with the zionist state - to break of all ties to israel in support of the Palestinian and Arab revolution against zionism and imperialism.

Gadafi throughout his life, including the last several years, never stopped advocating a bi-national one-state solution for Palestine, and never ceased to call out the zionist state for its nuclear and military hegemony in the region. Actually, Gadafi advocated that all the Arabs should have nuclear weapons to defend themselves from zionist aggression. Read more here and watch more about it here. - Sukant, Sons of Malcolm.


Qaddafi talks with former Iranian President Syed Al Khameini during the
8th Non-Aligned Summit in Harare, Zimbabwe, Sept. 2, 1986

Also it should be noted that Gadafi often defended Iran, such as in this interview with a Sky News journo, or in his speeches at the Arab League stating, especially to Saudi Arabia and other Arab states in the Gulf, that there is no benefit to the Arabs in having hostility with Iran, rather Arabs should have mutually respectful and good relations. - Sukant, Sons of Malcolm



Thursday, 20 October 2011

Sunday, 16 October 2011


Zuma needs to boot out his youth leader

For several years now, if you are a member of the peripatetic banking set, a delicious prospect has softened the psychological impact of the onset of the northern autumn: it is about now that plans are finalised for February’s Cape Town mining indaba.

It is a splendid gathering, part boondoggle, part business. Heads of global mining houses, ministers from across Africa and those seeking to cash in on the global commodities boom attend.

Deals are struck and industry gossip traded, all in a Mediterranean summer climate and washed down by Cape wines.

The ritual exemplifies South Africa’s post-apartheid emergence as a global force. It also keeps its mining industry, the heartbeat of the economy, in the spotlight – or rather it did. If investors’ patience with the ruling African National Congress continues to wane at the rate it is now, the indaba soon risks doing little more for South Africa than boosting sales of its bottled sunshine.

That is why this week’s ANC hearing on the fate of Julius Malema, its dyspeptic youth leader, is so critical. To label him a Mugabe-in-the-making, as some have, is to resort to the language of lurid cartoons. He may have endorsed Zimbabwe’s land invasions but that hardly makes him a putative autocrat. Such is the ANC’s rigid hierarchy, this 30-year-old wannabe has no chance in the foreseeable future of leading the party.

Yet the failure of President Jacob Zuma to rein him in as he has called for the nationalisation of mines and banks has done South Africa’s reputation terrible harm. It is not that investors see nationalisation as imminent. But the leadership’s indulgence of such talk has fuelled uncertainty about the wisdom of long-term capital investments.

More broadly, Mr Malema’s trajectory highlights an intensifying corrosion of the ANC. In a classic tale of South Africa’s muddled times, he has exploited the ANC’s culture of cronyism, the resonance of African nationalist rhetoric and the party’s internal rivalries to amass wealth and influence. For chapter and verse a new biography, An Inconvenient Youth, offers sombre reading for the remaining diligent but sadly silent grandees of the ANC. He has prospered in an environment “where one must believe in the faction, the whole faction and nothing but the faction”, writes Fiona Forde, its author. Quite.

Irked also by government dithering over mining licences and the uncompetitive labour market, one serial indaba dealmaker warns that talk at the gathering will now focus on the rest of Africa and ignore the host nation. He has, he fumes, had one too many meetings with officials who promise to address uncertainties over mining rights and bureaucratic drift – and then don’t.

South Africa’s big platinum miners will stay, such is the country’s dominance of global platinum stocks. But the loss of other potential investments would be a disaster for the sputtering economy and for the very disenfranchised youth Mr Malema has fired up with his redistributive talk. Would the giant coal miners sell if they could? If the price was right, unquestionably.

There is a solution. This week, the ANC assesses whether Mr Malema has brought it into disrepute. Mr Zuma should draw inspiration from leaders of the larger emerging powers whose “Brics” club he has in their eyes joined. First, he should copy the authoritarian style of Beijing and expel Mr Malema from the party. Not suspend, expel. Then he should look to Brazil, where leftwing governments have worked with business to design policies of social inclusion that help to address inequalities every bit as deep.

One former cabinet minister tells me Mr Zuma has long been terrified of alienating the youth leader, who was a vital rabble-rousing supporter when Mr Zuma successfully sought to take over the ANC four years ago. Next year, the president is up for re-election as party leader and needs the broadest coalition of interests possible.

Yet without the lustre of the ANC’s link to liberation, Mr Malema would, as so many party rebels before him, fade from view. Mr Zuma has to steel himself: it is not just the desire of indaba-goers, it is what other Bric leaders would do. If Mr Zuma equivocates, he will betray the very people Mr Malema claims to champion – and ensure his presidency ends in ignominy.

Friday, 14 October 2011



‎Jonathan Ross said on the BBC's Jonathan Ross Show:

"Where I am personally right now is, I, sadly, have lost all hope in the government proactively saving our kids, and I really mean that...they say they care, but you have to put your hand in have to top-load investment now to fix the problem. It's gotta be a 10yr plan, and the problem with democracy instead of communist regimes, you know, is basically that they vote every 4 years and you've gotta make new, I've met 6 education secretaries and I've had enough of it. I'm bored. I've got plans, but I'll give you that another time."


Libyan forces make chaotic advance into Sirte

(Reuters) - Obaid pulled up in his pick-up truck keen to fire the multiple rocket launcher mounted on the back at Gaddafi loyalists holding out in the Libyan city of Sirte, but just as he was about to shoot, he stopped to ask which way to aim.

His comrades standing nearby loudly conferred with one another then pointed him to what they agreed was the right direction and Obaid fired four Grad missiles at the city.

They all cheered him and shouted "Allahu Akbar." Smoke rose above the already wrecked city, but no one could say if the Grad rockets hit the target, or even what the target was.

As National Transitional Council fighters advance into Sirte, Muammar Gaddafi's home town, the fighting has become street-to-street and house-to-house.

Anyone with a gun is welcome to join the battle for Sirte.

Some scout the ground ahead by walking down the middle of the street. Others instead run down the street holding their AK47s above their heads while squeezing the trigger. Some spray bullets at empty plots of land, or lines of trees.

The fighters frequently have to dive for cover to avoid so-called "friendly fire."

One man on a wheelchair had his friend roll him out into the firing line where he emptied a magazine of bullets at the street ahead and was then rolled away.

Two days ago, fighters brought back a dead comrade shot in the heart. They said he was killed mistakenly by a young fighter who did not know how to use his gun.

The inexperience and naivety of many of the NTC fighters is one of the reasons why the battle for Sirte has been dragging on for weeks.

Most of the government fighters are from elsewhere in Libya and do not know Sirte, where they are in it, or often what it is they are attacking. Every now and then they shout at each other to stop shooting because their own fighters are up ahead.

Meanwhile, various Che Guevara lookalikes with long black hair and beards pose for the cameras, flashing V-for-victory signs and shooting whatever they have in hand and hoping to achieve their 15 minutes of fame.

One young NTC fighter went to the top of a residential building and began firing his AK47 from a hole in the damaged wall.

"What is he firing at? There is nothing there," barked an angry older comrade. "What kind of war is this? He just wants to be on Al Jazeera."

NTC fighters swept into Tripoli two months ago and were able to take control of the capital in few days because they had help from within. But in Sirte, the bastion of Gaddafi's own tribe, it is not that easy.

"It is their city, but we don't know it ... the people inside think the revolutionaries are monsters who will kill them and steal their stuff. We are not," said Colonel Habib Mohammed Habib, a field commander.

"The problem is that they (Gaddafi forces) know the city well and move from one house to the other," said Hassan al-Fatouri, a brigade commander.

Weeks of bombardment followed by street fighting have killed an unknown number of civilians. That has led to fears that reconciliation between Libyans after the war may prove to be very difficult.

"They are families inside fighting for their houses and their children who have died," said Mohammed, 23, who fled Sirte a few days ago.

"You know who is still fighting inside Sirte? Who is fighting is the person who has lost his brother, who has lost his mother, who has lost his sister ... The revolutionaries have brought us destruction."

Thursday, 13 October 2011


Contrary to popular mythology, the art of rhyming rhythmically over the beat of a drum (rapping) was not invented in 1970s New York. The cultural wellspring from which hip-hop was drawn, goes far deeper, making it all the more powerful. It can be traced through reggae, jazz, blues, and ultimately back to the African griot traditions of the medieval west African empires. .

When understood in its full context, rather than as a misogynistic, materialistic handmaiden of American capitalism, it is easy to see why hip-hop has such power. It may still be, as Chuck D of pioneering 1980s hip-hop group Public Enemy said, the "black CNN", but it has increasingly become a news network of the downtrodden, oppressed and the socially conscious across the globe.

Each branch of this worldwide family brings its own specific stories and cultural reference points to the movement and it has happened because of the inherent democratic values of the genre and how adaptable and open-minded it is as a cultural world view.

With its modern incarnation having originated through the African-American struggle against white racism, the best of the culture of black people in the Americas has become a symbol of strength and resistance for humanity across the world whatever shade they, or their particular struggle may take. Most crucially, however, this now worldwide cache was achieved by way of incredible beats and great lyrics.

Today we have MCs in Brazil rapping in Portuguese over the berimbau, multilingual MCs in Copenhagen expressing themselves in English, Danish and Arabic, Iranian MCs like Hickas speaking in Farsi, telling tales of the everyday struggle in Tehran and French-Congolese rappers like Bajoli addressing one of the largest conflicts of the 20th century in his home nation, a conflict all but ignored by the world's "traditional" media. As far afield as Vietnam and Mongolia you can find paintings of the bat-like "W" symbol of, perhaps, hip-hop's most poetic collective, the Wu-Tang Clan.

There is no other genre through which such diverse voices have found themselves, all sharing a common sense of what it is to "be hip-hop". You either have skill or you don't, gimmicks never last.

Hip-hop has even generated its own media, represented by production companies like Nomadic Wax and their Democracy In Dakar documentary, that deals with the role rappers play in the political process in Senegal. We even have hip-hop schools such as the Herman Brood academy in Holland.,

The UK is no exception. Artists like Lowkey, Mic Righteous, Durrty Goodz and me to name but a few, are all building international fan bases with little, if any support from the mainstream. . And as far back as the first records from Rodney P, Black Twang and Linton Kwesi Johnson who preceded them, social commentary has been a constant feature of UK MC culture.

However, unlike the brief period in the late 1980s, early 1990s in the US that gave us Public Enemy, Ice Cube and Wu-Tang, the UK has as yet been unwilling to acknowledge our voices on a national level, even when artists prove they are able to succeed with little or no investment.

Is it too much of a stretch for people to believe that popular entertainment is not just about what will and won't sell, but also about what will and won't maintain particular states of consciousness? Can we really have young, working-class, predominantly black and brown people becoming opinion formers in people of all classes and creeds the way Bob Marley, Tupac Shakur or Chuck D were?

And for those that would single out a particular strand of rap music as being responsible for societal ills, like the August riots, I would say the following: rap is often a means of communicating and expressing the sometimes brutal reality of life in areas neglected by those in power.

The success of NWA (the first "Gangsta Rap" group) was preceded by some of the worst gang violence (and all the racial, political history that created the "ghetto") in the US and indeed world history. How could they have created events that preceded them? Those so eager to scapegoat rap may also want ask themselves who owns the record labels, TV and radio stations that are so happy to promote and profit from a particular image of black youth?

Increasingly, educators are realising that a love for language and expression, whatever form that may take, is a healthy thing and should be nurtured.

For those of us that love this culture and music, hip-hop has lost none of its power to translate and convey feeling, meaning and cries for social justice that, ultimately, can help quell rather than exacerbate the very social ills that gave birth to the genre.

Tuesday, 11 October 2011


TEHRAN – Major General Yahya Safavi says Ankara has made three strategic mistakes including a decision to host the NATO missile shield on the Turkish soil.

Safavi, the former commander of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps, says Turkey is moving on a wrong track perhaps laid out by the United States.

The deployment could have a clear message for both Iran and Russia but more for Iran, Safavi told the Mehr News Agency in an exclusive interview.

The other mistake was a pronouncement by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan in which during his visit to Egypt he suggested a model of government based on secular system, stated Safavi.

Safavi, who currently serves as a senior military advisor to the Supreme Leader, said Egyptians had not expected such remarks from a Turkish official because Egyptian people are Muslim.

Under a pressure from the U.S., the Zionist regime, and Saudi Arabia, Turkey made another strategic blunder by trying to stir up protests in Syria and this is contrary to what Turkish officials are saying, he added.

This is an indication of hypocrisy among Turkish authorities, the general argued.

In fact, Ankara wants to convey a message to regional countries, where massive uprisings have been taking place, that their revolutions are similar to Turkey’s not to those occurred in other countries like Iran, Safavi noted.

Safavi said Turkey’s secular system is not “a good model”.

He went on to say that such policies by Ankara are incompatible with the ideals of the Muslim people of Turkey.

On the future relationship between Tehran and Ankara, he said if Turkish political leaders do not adopt a transparent foreign policy toward Iran, they will encounter problems in the future.


Monday, 10 October 2011




Oh give me a home
Where the buffalo roam
And the death of a race is a game
Where seldom is heard
A peacable word
From the white trash
Who killed as they came
Though these words dig deep
They offer no relief
God save the queen
I am an indian chief
There is a secret I keep
It's called the talking leaf
And you better believe
That he speaks his beliefs
Like a rock that bleeds
A sea of grief
My talking leaf speaks of
A wounded knee creek
American ghost dance...

A new man who is with old ways
He walks the streets of life
But he's in chains
I'm alive he cried
I can feel the flame
Burning red inside
I am an indian brave
There is a memory
That lives in my blood
Of the brand you laid
On all you touched
But the burning flame
Turns to burning pain
Genuine genocide
And that's truly insane
So like a wild hurricane
I will dance on the grave
Of my race that died
When it should have been saved

American ghost dance...


Sky correspondent: “This was supposed to be the final big push, but they are clearly taking a beating inside Sirte”



(Even though this was written in the context of a struggle against a brutal white supremacist system in Apartheid South Africa, the political strategies and analysis in this piece are still very relevant today. Western/neo-colonialist/white power structure strategy against non-whites and Black people remains constant, even though their methods and language may change, so 'multiculturalism' has been used to assimilate non-whites into being loyal to neo-colonialism and betraying their roots in the Global South/world Black Revolution. - Sukant, Sons of Malcolm)

We have defined blacks as those who are by law or tradition politically, economically and socially discriminated against as a group in the South African society and identifying themselves as a unit in the struggle towards the realization of their aspirations.

This definition illustrates to us a number of things:

1. Being black is not a matter of pigmentation - being black is a reflection of a mental attitude.

2. Merely by describing yourself as black you have started on a road towards emancipation, you have committed yourself to fight against all forces that seek to use your blackness as a stamp that marks you out as a subservient being.

From the above observations therefore, we can see that the term black is not necessarily all-inclusive, i.e. the fact that we are all not white does not necessarily mean that we are all black. Non-whites do exist and will continue to exist for quite a long time. If one's aspiration is whiteness but his pigmentation makes attainment of this impossible, then that person is a non-white. Any man who calls a white man "baas", any man who serves in the police force or security branch is ipso facto a non-white. Black people - real black people - are those who can manage to hold their heads high in defiance rather than willingly surrender their souls to the white man.

Briefly defined therefore, Black Consciousness is in essence the realization by the black man of the need to rally together with his brothers around the cause of their oppression - the blackness of their skin - and to operate as a group in order to rid themselves of the shackles that bind them to perpetual servitude. It seeks to demonstrate the lie that black is an aberration from the "normal" which is white. It is a manifestation of a new realization that by seeking to run away from themselves and to emulate the white man, black are insulting the intelligence of whoever created them black. Black Consciousness, therefore takes cognizance of the deliberateness of the God's plan in creating black people black

It seeks to infuse the black community with a new-found pride in themselves, their efforts, their value systems, their culture, their religion and their outlook to life. The interrelationship between the consciousness of the self and the emancipatory programme is of a paramount importance. Blacks no longer seek to reform the system because so doing implies acceptance of the major points around which the system revolves. Blacks are out to completely transform the system and to make of it what they wish. Such a major undertaking can only be realized in an atmosphere where people are convinced of the truth inherent in their stand. Liberation therefore is of paramount importance in the concept of Black Consciousness, for we cannot be conscious of ourselves and yet remain in bondage. We want to attain the envisioned self which is a free self.

The surge towards Black Consciousness is a phenomenon that has manifested itself throughout the so-called Third World. There is no doubt that discrimination against the black man the word over fetches its origin from the exploitative attitude of the white man. Colonization of white countries by whites has throughout history resulted in nothing more than sinister than mere cultural or geographical fusion at worst, or language bastardization at best.

It is true that the history of weaker nations is shaped by bigger nations, but nowhere in the world today do we see whites exploiting whites on scale even remotely similar to what is happening in South Africa. Hence, one is forced to conclude that it is not coincidence that black people are exploited. It was a deliberate plan which has culminated in even so-called black independent countries not attaining any real independence.

With this background in mind we are forced, therefore, to believe that it is a case of haves against have-nots where whites have been deliberately made haves and black have-nots.

There is for instance no worker in the classical sense among whites in South Africa, for even the most downtrodden white worker still has a lot lose if the system is changed. He is protected by several laws against competition at work from the majority. He has a vote and he uses it to return the Nationalist Government to power because he sees them as the only people who, through job reservation laws, are bent on looking after his interests against competition with the "Natives".

It should therefore be accepted that analysis of our situation in terms of one's colour at once takes care of the greatest single determinant for political action - i.e. colour - while also validly describing the blacks as the only real workers in South Africa. It immediately kills all suggestions that there could ever be effective rapport between the real workers, i.e. blacks, and the privileged white workers, since we have shown that the latter are the greatest supporters of the system.

True enough, the system has allowed so dangerous an anti-black attitude to build up amongst whites, who are economically nearest to the blacks, demonstrate the distance between themselves and the blacks by an exaggerated reactionary attitude towards blacks. Hence the greatest anti-black feeling is to be found amongst the very poor whites whom the Class Theory calls upon to be with black workers in the struggle for emancipation. This is the kind of twisted logic that Black Consciousness approach seeks to eradicate.

In terms of the Black Consciousness approach we recognize the existence of one major force in South Africa. This is White Racism. It is the one force against which all of us are pitted. It works with unnerving totality, featuring both on the offensive and in our defence. Its greatest ally to date has been the refusal by us to progressively lose ourselves in a world of colourlessness and amorphous common humanity, whites are deriving pleasure and security in entrenching white racism and further exploiting the minds and bodies of the unsuspecting black masses. Their agents are ever present amongst us, telling that it is immoral to withdraw into a cocoon, that dialogue is the answer to our problem and that it is unfortunate that there is white racism in some quarters but you must that things are changing.

These in fact are the greatest racists for they refuse to credit us any intelligence to know what we want. Their intentions are obvious; they want to be barometers by which the rest of the white society can measure feelings in the black world. This then is what makes us believe that white power presents itself as a totality not only provoking us but also controlling our response to the provocation. This is an important point to note because it is often missed by those who believe that there are a few good whites. Sure there are few good whites just as much as there are a few bad blacks.

However what we are concerned here with is group attitudes and group politics. The exception does not make a lie of a rule - it merely substantiates it. The overall analysis therefore, based on the Hegelian theory of dialectic materialism, is as follows. That since the thesis is a white racism there can only be one valid antithesis, i.e. a solid black unity, to counterbalance the scale. If South Africa is to be a land where black and white live together in harmony without fear of group exploitation, it is only when these two opposites have interplayed and produced a viable synthesis of ideas and modus vivendi. We can never wage any struggle without offering a strong counterpoint to the white racism that permeate our society so effectively.

One must immediately dispel the thought that Black Consciousness is merely a methodology or a means towards an end. What Black Consciousness seeks to do is to produce at the output end of the process real black people who do not regard themselves as the appendages to white society. This truth cannot be reserved.

We do not need to apologize for this because it is true that the white systems have produced throughout the world a number of people who are not aware that they too are people. Our adherence to values that we set for ourselves can also not be reversed because it will always be a lie to accept white values as necessarily the best. The fact that a synthesis may be attained only relates to adherence to power politics. Someone somewhere along the line will be forced to accept the truth and here we believe that ours is the truth.

The future of South Africa in the case where blacks adopt Black Consciousness is the subject for concern especially among initiates. What do we do when have attained our Consciousness ? Do we propose to kick whites out ? I believe personally that the answers to these questions ought to be found in the SASO Policy Manifesto and in our analysis of the situation in South Africa. We have defined what we mean by true integration and the very fact that such a definition exists does illustrate what our standpoint is. In any case we are much more concerned about what is happening now, than will happen in the future. The future will always be shaped by the sequence of present-day events.

The importance of black solidarity to the various segments of the black community must not be understated. There have been in the past a lot of suggestions that there can be no viable unity amongst blacks because they hold each other in contempt. Coloureds despise Africans because they (the former), by their proximity to the Africans, may lose the chances of assimilation into the white world. Africans despise the Coloureds and Indians for a variety of reasons. Indians not only despise Africans but in many instances also exploit the Africans in job and shop situations.

All these stereotype attitudes have led to mountainous inter-group suspicions amongst the blacks.

What we should at all times look at is the fact that:

1. We are all oppressed by the same system.

2. That we are oppressed to varying degrees is a deliberate design to stratify us not only socially but also in terms of the enemy's aspirations.

3. Therefore it is to be expected that in terms of the enemy's plan there must be this suspicion and that if we are committed to the problem of emancipation to the same degree it is part of our duty to bring to the black people the deliberateness of the enemy's subjugation scheme.

4. That we should go on with our programme, attracting to it only committed people and not just those eager to see an equitable distribution of groups amongst our ranks. This is a game common amongst liberals. The one criterion that must govern all our action is commitment.

Further implications of Black Consciousness are to do with correcting false images of ourselves in terms of culture, Education, Religion, Economics. The importance of this also must not be understated. There is always an interplay between the history of people i.e. the past, their faith in themselves and hopes for their future. We are aware of the terrible role played by our education and religion in creating amongst us a false understanding of ourselves. We must therefore work out schemes not only to correct this, but further to be our own authorities rather than wait to be interpreted by others.

Whites can only see us from the outside and as such can never extract and analyze the ethos in the black community. In summary therefore one need only refer this house to the SASO Policy Manifesto which carries most of the salient points in the definition of the Black Consciousness. I wish to stress again the need for us to know very clearly what we mean by certain terms and what our understanding is when we talk of Black Consciousness.